The Tamesis
January 9, 2026
Dhaka – After the last three rigged elections, the people of Bangladesh are eagerly waiting to exercise their fundamental right to vote. Any denial of this right is unacceptable and those who seek to undermine it will suffer the wrath of the public and will never be forgiven.
We are now heading towards the long-awaited polls which will undoubtedly reflect the people’s choice. While the absence of the Awami League as a major political party will itself spark controversy, its failure to acknowledge and apologize for the crimes it has committed, such as enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, the undermining of democratic institutions and ultimately the wanton killings during the July 2024 uprising, has deeply alienated the party from the people.
In order to hold elections peacefully, we need some degree of stabilization in civil life. While we not only recognize but support the right of every group to protest, we cannot ignore the rights of others to earn their daily bread, to do basic household chores, to go to work, to allow businesses to open, for banks to function, for retail store owners and poor vendors to continue to earn a small income, for rickshaw pullers to provide for their families – in short, for people to enjoy their basic rights and freedoms. Protesters may not have the intention to stop anything, but they often end up doing just that. The paralyzing traffic jam said it all.
As a highly emotional country, we tend to forget that no matter what we do domestically, we must adhere to a set of international norms and practices to be accepted as a credible actor in the global system. For example, if we want to export clothing, we must adhere to certain labor, environmental and quality standards to attract international buyers. Likewise, if we want other countries to invest in Bangladesh, we need a fair legal framework, a certain standard of safety and security for daily life, a reliable law and order situation, and a governance system that inspires investor confidence so that they choose to invest here rather than elsewhere. Vietnam was a communist country, but the entire capitalist world was competing to invest. Shouldn’t we ask why?
As the election approaches, we feel there is much to learn from the past. Why, five years on, is our democracy still so weak? What were our past mistakes? Have we learned anything from them? If not, why not? Why do we still view our political opponents as “enemies”?
As far as we know, since 1973 our Parliament has largely acted as a rubber stamp. Otherwise, how could we change our constitution, betray the values of the liberation war, and establish BAKSAL? Later, even though the opposition had a large presence in the House of Representatives, why did Parliament fail to become the center of transparency and hold the executive to account? When enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings are rampant, why has not a single MP become a “conscientious objector”? Too often, our MPs lack the moral courage to serve their constituents and merely act as cogs in the party machine.
As we prepare with enthusiasm and hope for the upcoming elections, we need to reflect on why so many of our past elections have been so contentious. To date, we have held a total of 12 elections: 1973, 1979, 1986, 1988, 1991, February 1996, June 1996, 2001, 2008, 2014, 2018 and 2024. Only four of those – 1991, June 1996, 2001 and 2008 – are generally considered credible, while the remaining eight are widely considered controversial.
A closer look at our first election in 1973 shows that we started off on the wrong track. The Awami League (AL) had a turnout of 55% and won 293 of 300 seats. There were many reasons for this landslide victory – the emergence of Bangabandhu, the 1970 elections in Pakistan (the Pakistan League won 160 of the 162 seats allocated to East Pakistan), the Liberation War and the emergence of independent Bangladesh. However, even with such huge support, Bangabandhu’s idea suffered from a fatal flaw: a lack of vision to ensure that the new country’s first parliament included some strong, independent and critical voices, not only for the nascent democracy but also for the success of his own government. He should make a special effort to include in his ranks the experienced politicians and young activists from the first parliament, who are known to have even had the guts to challenge him.. Even if these people lack electoral strength, he should find a way to get them into parliament and give them the freedom to point out the government’s shortcomings.
Even outside parliament, only a few dissenting voices remained, including Abul Mansur Ahmad. Daily Ittefaq, Enayetullah Khan in The Weekly holiday, poet al mahmood tother daily newspapers gonocanto and Abdus Salam, ” bangladesh observer.
This absolute control of Parliament set us on a flawed path, the consequences of which have proven fatal. It has given rise to a culture of intolerance, an inability to accept criticism, and a deep disdain for dissent. The supermajority effectively transformed our first elected legislature into a one-party parliament, sowing the seeds of BAKSAL that would become a nightmarish reality within a few years.
The anti-Ershad movement and his subsequent fall gave Bangladesh an opportunity to restart its journey to democracy. The interim government under Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed conducted an outstanding election that enhanced public confidence in the caretaker system, which was further enhanced by the performance of Justices Mohammad Habibur Rahman in 1996 and Justice Latifur Rahman in 2001. While Fakhruddin Ahmed’s caretaker government, backed by the then army chief of staff, General Munuddin, faced controversy over the way it was formed, its election under Chief Commissioner Shamsul Huda enjoyed some credibility.
Sadly, Sheikh Hasina’s return to power abolished the caretaker system, leading to three disastrous elections that destroyed all institutions of accountability and undermined a free and fair electoral process.
With the current interim government overseeing the upcoming elections and an electoral commission in place, the country now looks forward to reviving the democratic process that was derailed during 15 years of coalition rule. As we prepare to return to democratic rule, we must learn the necessary lessons and take action to ensure that our future journey to democracy is successful.
The first thing to remember is that in a parliamentary system the roles of political parties, elected members and their relationship with party leaders and the government are quite subtle and clear-cut. Consider the British example. Under Boris Johnson’s leadership, the Conservatives won a landslide victory in 2019. However, he lost confidence in the party in 2022 and Liz Truss replaced the party leader and became Prime Minister in September 2022. Within two months, Rishi Sunak had replaced her as Prime Minister. Neither prime minister faced any election, yet they replaced the man the people voted for. This means that in a parliamentary form of government, political parties are elected and whoever is elected leader of the party can lead the government.
Although Bangladesh theoretically follows the same parliamentary system, our approach is completely different. Our political traditions are not conducive to fostering what we mentioned above. To us, leaders have complete control over their parties. Political parties must not determine the actions and methods of leaders. For us, the party has always been leader-driven. Bangabandhu was the incarnation of AL, President Ziaur Rahman was synonymous with BNP, General HM Ershad symbolized the Jatiya Party, Khaleda Zia later represented the BNP and Sheikh Hasina represented the Awami League. Parties seem to have little independent existence apart from their leaders.
The implication of this reality is that the presence of MPs also depends largely on the preferences of party leaders. Although the election or removal of MPs is decided by voters, in reality this power only lasts for a certain period of time. As soon as the poll results are in, the winners turn their attention from voters to party leaders. So what we call a parliamentary system operates more like a presidential form of government under the guise of a parliamentary form. This approach is unlikely to change immediately, but the process of holding party leaders accountable to the party itself must begin, however gently.
Another lesson we must learn from the past is that in our political culture, the ruling party does not value the opposition unless it seeks ways to divide, disrupt or discredit it, and ultimately suppress it in every possible way. The ruling party does not view the opposition as political rivals. This political culture must change. For good governance—and, philosophically speaking, for its own success—the ruling party needs a strong opposition. Without an effective, vibrant and accountable opposition, it is impossible to maintain a functioning democracy in Bangladesh.
However, there is also a reverse lesson. We also need a responsible opposition. What we often see is a culture of “opposition for the sake of opposition” rather than opposition for the good of the country, or for the sake of good governance, accountability, transparency and effective resource management. Just as the ruling party views the opposition as an “enemy,” so too does the opposition view the opposition as an “enemy” that can embarrass the government, undermine its projects, or derail processes. The most damaging approach we saw during the first term of the Khaleda Zia government was the culture of strikes, followed by boycotts and finally resignations. Unfortunately, this was later copied by subsequent opposition parties.
So when we start over, a lot of things need to change. Most importantly, all political parties must participate in the elections, help ensure that they are conducted peacefully, and accept that the results are the will of the people. The idea that elections are only fair when they win and bad when they lose must be abandoned. In every election, not everyone will be a winner; there will be losers, and the results must be accepted with grace, dignity, and respect for the voters. So please put country first, democracy second, and your victory third. If you win, congratulations. If you lose, congratulations, because you respected the people’s verdict and helped us restart our journey to democracy.
Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.
The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.
