The Tamesis
May 25, 2026
Kuala Lumpur – The end of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s first term has yet to come, but Malaysia’s hopefuls are already bracing themselves for the fight ahead.
Datuk Seri Anwar only has 3.5 years left in his five-year term, but the race to succeed or oust him is already fierce. Discussions are growing about holding early polls ahead of the February 2028 deadline.
In the opposition Perikatan Nasional (PN) camp, Terengganu Chief Minister Samsuri Mokhtar emerged as a dark horse and the front-runner after his alliance swept all 32 state seats in 2023. The Deputy Chairman of the Islamic Party (PAS) replaced Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin as the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament on May 16 after taking over as Chairman of the Perikatan Nasional in February. However, Hamzah, who was sacked by Bersatu Malaysia when he was acting chairman, is not hanging around and is looking for ways to remove former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin from being PAS’s main ally in Perikatan Nasional.
Dark clouds are gathering over Mr Anwar’s side. He faces resistance from key ally Umno as well as leaders of his own Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition.
If Mr Anwar wins the 16th general election, it will only increase the length of the climb. His government is seeking to limit the prime minister’s term to 10 years by July, after a previous attempt in March fell short by just two votes due to the absence of eight government MPs. This means Malaysia will need an 11th Prime Minister at the end of the next five-year term.
However, winning the top job isn’t just about who’s closest to the top. In a system that relies on coalitions to please a broad constituency, the real prizes belong to those who can present themselves as the most acceptable option to other leaders.
So who are the new contenders? Let’s break down this area:
age:55
Party: Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS)
Why him: Every prime minister who comes to power after an election is the leader of a coalition government. While he has not been formally named as PN’s or even PAS’s prime ministerial candidate, as chairman of the main opposition pact and as leader of the opposition in parliament, he will be in the lead if PN manages to win the most seats in the next polls.
Why not: Even PAS chairman Hadi Awang privately admitted that Malaysia may not ready yet PAS will lead the government despite already having the most MPs. The rise of Tan Sri Hadi’s protégé, Dr Sansuri Sangsuri, is therefore meant to herald More professional Image of PAS.
But taking the leap to become PN chairman did not make him popular with other factions within the party. That means Dr Sansuri faces a dual task if he wants to become prime minister: consolidating his internal base and expanding his influence beyond the Islamist party’s conservative Muslim strongholds.
What to do next: After the 16th general election, we must ensure that PN becomes the largest alliance and PAS becomes the largest political party. Only then will other groups be willing to engage in negotiations, especially those like the Alliance of Parties in Sarawak and Sabah, which find PAS’s Islamic style of politics at odds with the dynamics of the Borneo states.
age: 64
Party: Parti Pribumi Bersatu (PBB)
Why him: While Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional and Perikatan Nasional vie for dominance in other areas In Malaysia, the PBB-led Alliance Parti Sarawak (GPS) has maintained its dominance, dominating the eastern states and playing the role of kingmaker in three governments since 2020.
The Sarawak Parties Alliance’s control over Sarawak, which has 31 parliamentary seats, appears to be expanding, while neighboring Sabah (25 seats) is also inclined to follow Sarawak’s lead, creating a so-called “Borneo Bloc”. Mr Fadillah will become East Malaysia’s first deputy prime minister in 2022 and is likely to have the support of more than 50 MPs after the next polls.
Why not: Mr Fadillah is a dark horse choice because every prime minister so far has been a Malay from the peninsula. An East Malaysian leading the country would shock the system and even former Umno deputy chairman Shafie Apdal (former Sabah chief minister and cabinet minister). 2021 Bid Doesn’t meet the requirements.
He will also need the support of Bersatu and the Sarawak Parties Alliance – whose leader is, by convention, the Sarawak Prime Minister, not the federal minister – as taking over the federal government could strategically undermine their “Sarawak First” brand.
What to do next: Appointment of a prime minister by GPS has been raised on at least two occasions since the 2022 election as an option to resolve the deadlock between the three peninsula alliances. But GPS Chairman Abang Johari Openg has always stay vigilant Is he really capable of leading the country, or is he being led by a larger group?
However, if PN splits between different candidates and Umno refuses to work with PH again, then if regional parties across East Malaysia support Mr Fadillah, he will mathematically have the largest number of MPs at the table. Several parties agreed to compromise and support Mr Anwar in 2022, despite their deep animosity towards the DAP. They may find it more palatable to back Mr Fadilla without having to explain their partnership with ACT to voters.
age: 73
Party: Umno
Why him: Dr Zahid is the only Umno president who has not served as prime minister since Malaysia’s independence, although this is his second term as deputy prime minister. Despite deteriorating election results over the past two decades, Umno remains an institution and has been in power for all but 22 months in the country’s history.
In the past, several figures in the party have been seen as suitable compromise candidates between feuding factions, including veteran Tengku Razaleigh and Datuk Seri Ismail Ismail, who becomes prime minister in 2021. It’s down nowDr Zahid could be the next such face.
Why not: There are several reasons. Chief among them was that he was tainted by the dropping of corruption charges despite a prima facie case being established. Perceptions that he is linked to Pakatan Harapan chief Anwar Ibrahim have also undermined his authority among Umno supporters. These incidents and conflicts in recent years have also soured his relations with his colleagues in PAS and Bersatu.
What to do next: Umno rank-and-file have begun agitating for an end to the electoral agreement with Pakatan Harapan when the general election is held because they feel Anwar’s government has not done enough to help Umno regain the support of the Malay majority.
Upcoming state polls in Melaka and Johor in mid-2026 and 2027 could be important test cases for this strategy, unless Mr Anwar dissolves parliament early. Umno-led Barisan Nasional (BN) winning more seats than Pakatan Harapan seems out of reach, but it could work with Perikatan Nasional, which itself is divided over who should be prime minister, leaving Dr Zahid in the role of compromise candidate.
age: 69
Party: Independent since February 13 after he was fired from Bersatu, although he remains a member of Perikatan Nasional and contests the 2022 election under the Alliance flag.
Why him: By convention, the leader of the parliamentary opposition is recognized as a candidate for prime minister. He may have resigned after being sacked by Bersatu in early April, but the fact that a replacement has not been found for more than a month is telling. When the opposition leader’s party finally came to power, they became prime minister twice, namely Mr Anwar (2022) and UMNO’s then deputy president Ismail Sabri Yaakob (2021).
Why not: Hanzha and his supporters were expelled from Bersatu for encouraging former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin to resign as Bersatu chairman. Although Hanzha claimed to have the support of 19 of Bersatu’s 25 MPs, they are now homeless. If he wants to seriously run for the premiership, he needs to find a new platform before the election. Moreover, despite his decades of political experience, the former home minister has largely been a behind-the-scenes manipulator and has yet to become a household name among Malaysian voters.
what to do next: In the long term, the coexistence of Muhyiddin and Mr Hamzah within the PN framework does not seem to be tenable. Mr Hamza first needs to ensure that when push comes to shove, the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) will ally with him and not Muhyiddin. An election in which PN wins the most seats would be the best outcome, but even if Mr Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan wins, the Malay parties are likely to realign.
There are various efforts to seek Malay unity, including Umno’s “bangsa house” and rekindle national consensusPAS and Umno came together for a time after the 2018 general election, when both parties were in opposition. The coalition of Malay parties that has squeezed out Pakatan Harapan will repeat the so-called “Operation Sheraton” in 2020 and overthrow Pakatan Harapan through defections.
age: 48
Party: united party of malaysia
Why him: although Lost his position as deputy chairman of PKR To Mr Anwar’s daughter in May 2025, to the detriment of Nepotism and vote rigging This has led some Malaysians outside the party to view Mr Rafizi as a torchbearer for democratic ideals rather than Mr Anwar, who has been a reform icon since he was ousted from government in 1998.
Even within the prime minister’s own party, the former number two retains strong support from nearly half of MPs and grassroots leaders across the country. Many people who are disillusioned with Anwar’s government are waiting to see what “Team Rafiz” will do next and how many people we will see switch from PKR to Solidarity.
Why not: There are only so many voters interested in reform – Pakatan Harapan won a parliamentary majority in 2018 on the back of the 1MDB scandal and anger over goods and services tax-induced inflation rather than democratic reforms, and Mr Anwar was appointed prime minister in 2022, but Pakatan Harapan fell short of a majority. If these voters split between Pakatan Harapan and Rafizi, it could result in two weak entities, a situation in which only Barisan Nasional and Perikatan Nasional would benefit.
What to do next: Anything to undermine Mr Anwar would be a good thing, hence the criticism of his leadership Abuse of power by anti-corruption agenciesclaim judicial intervention and over perception Fighting for the rights of non-Muslims plays into Mr. Rafizi’s hands. If Umno decides to part ways and/or the Democratic Action Party (DAP) withdraws from the cabinet or Pakatan Harapan entirely, this will further open the gap.
But with his keen eye for data analysis, Mr Rafizi will know that there are too many splinter groups and subgroups looking to capitalize on disillusionment with the major national alliances. If like-minded moderates now on the fringes, such as the Malaysian United Democratic Alliance founded by former youth and sports minister Syed Saddiq Abdul Rahman, can set aside their respective ambitions and form a united front, the cumulative protest votes from across the divide may be enough to bring Rafizi into the conversation as Malaysia’s 11th prime minister.
